Welcome to the Somalian Republic of Nigeria

7 May

Even animals were not spared in the massacre.

In what is gradually becoming a way of life in Nigeria, gunmen last week, opened fire on cattle traders in Potiskum, Yobe State, sending at least 60 people to the afterlife, while seriously wounding at least 30 others.  Potiskum is home to West Africa’s largest cattle market.

Just two days earlier, former Nigerian Minister of Defence under the wily ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, General Theophilus  Yakubu Danjuma (Rtd.) had warned that “our house is on fire”.  According to the retired General:

“The Somalialisation of Nigeria is taking place right now. We need to sit down and get to the root of the problem and find a solution to it. Let us not deceive ourselves, the chief security officer of a state is the governor. Where are our northern governors? Borno is a failed state. Jigawa is almost a failed state. Kano is threatening to be a failed state. Where on earth are we going? You hear talks about multimillion naira fences around government houses, what about the people?”

This might seem like just another alarmist statement, but when one considers that Gen. Danjuma –  an ‘establishment’ man by any indication – has been in the thick of Nigeria’s politics since the First Republic (again, someone please tell GEJ that this if the FOURTH Republic), then it becomes clear that the General knows exactly what he is talking about.

Two days after this stern warning, the Potiskum massacres happened.  While the death of ‘just’ sixty people may no longer shock Nigerians – or at least our failed political leadership (after all, well over 150 people have been massacred in the past by the dreaded Boko Haram sect) – what makes this particular event unsettling is that it was not a Boko Haram attack!  In fact, it was nothing more than armed robbery gone terribly wrong.  This in itself is a more scary thought than the likelihood of a Boko Haram attack in the Southern part of Nigeria.  Why?  Because the Potiskum massacre points to a scary trend where anyone with a gun and a gang can commit any crime wherever he is in Nigeria, without fear of apprehension by the security agencies.  In fact, with enough arms and a gang, you – yes you – can become a government unto yourself.  The Somalialisation of Nigeria.

Gen. Theophilus Danjuma. Warns on the ‘Somalialisation’ of Nigeria.

And if you think that surely this scenario is over-exaggerated, then you probably have not been in Nigeria this past few months.  Banks have been robbed and bombed, top police officers have been attached and their aides murdered, villages have been sacked by marauders, and, as in an alarming return to Obasanjo’s do-or-die political era, politicians are suddenly going to their early graves, courtesy of hired assassins.  To top it all up, the possibility of Nigeria’s break-up along ethnic lines is now boldly discussed in the open, and not in hushed tones.  Truly, we are in desperate times.

This is not the time for the President and his team to play politics with the immediate future if this nation.  He must act swiftly and decisively to put an end to the lawlessness that is gradually consuming Nigeria.  He must realise that Boko Haram is not our greatest threat as a nation; rather, it is his lack of political will to deal decisively with  the anarchists running amok - many of whom, according to him and recently collaborated by the National Security Adviser, are in his government.

As we enter yet another week in which we are unfortunately sure of hearing of another attack by the dreaded Boko Haram terrorist, I plead with Mr. Jonathan to grow a pair and deal with the challenges facing this nation like the Commander-In-Chief that he is.  Failing to do so, he should resign.

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How about an honest opinion?

3 May

On Friday, the 27th of April 2012, the National Security Adviser (NSA) to President Goodluck Jonathan, General Owoye Azazi (Rtd.) jolted his boss and the establishment when he pointedly accused the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) of being responsible for the escalation of the Boko Haram crises.  The PDP is President Jonathan’s party, of which he is considered the ‘national leader’.  According to Gen. Azazi, a one-time chief of Defence Staff (CDS) to ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, ”A situation where a political party insists on fielding a particular candidate over another to get a massive win and that if they get that massive win the party has arrived , is the source of the problem.”  In other words, by jettisoning its zoning arrangement, PDP has managed to turn its internal power struggle into an issue the whole of Nigeria will have to deal with.

Gen. Azazi. In the eye of the storm.

 

Both the President and the PDP have gone up in arms against the NSA.  As expected, the PDP in its characteristic way of favouring brawn over brain stopped short of calling for the man’s head.  In a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, the party had this to say: “…it is important for us to advise appointees of government to navigate on only the terrain where their authority will not be humbled by superior knowledge so as to avoid attracting underserving and unnecessary ill feelings for their principal.  The PDP as a party will not cease supporting and assisting the National Security Adviser in as much as he remains focused in his job of securing the lives and property of Nigerians.”  The emphasis is mine.  For the uninitiated, PDP simply told the NSA to shut up and fit in to the ‘paddy paddy’ charade that governance has become in today’s Nigeria.  Failure to do so, and he will lose the party’s ‘support’ and ‘assistance’.  In Nigeria’s ‘chop-I-chop’ democracy, a little support from the ruling party really goes a long way.  Just ask Chris Aire.

 

The President on the other hand, was a bit more refined in his threat to the NSA.  His position was simply that he would not draw conclusions until he had heard from Gen. Azazi (sort of sounds like a presidential invitation to come and defend one’s self?).  To add to the drama, a ‘highly-placed’ source hinted that the President was under pressure in the past to drop Gen. Azazi, but he had always said no. This time, things may pan out differently.

 

As the spectacle plays out, one is reminded once again of the high-wire drama that has characterized the successive PDP governments since the beginning of Nigeria’s Fourth republic (someone please tell Mr. President that this is not the Third republic).  From allegations of money-laundering to murder, flagrant disregard of the constitution to bribing of government officials, the PDP has always managed to sweep serious breach of trust issues under the carpet in the name of a ‘family affair’.  This must not be the case now.

 

Every week, not less than 20 innocent Nigerians lose their lives while Mr. President goes on senseless jamborees all over the world.  Just last week, while the nation was still trying to recover from the attacks of the Boko Haram sect, and a few days after the US embassy released a new security report about the likelihood of new attacks, news making the round was that Mr. President was preparing to attend the wedding of Stephenie Okereke in Paris.  Such senseless acts by one saddled with the responsibility of a nation on the brink does not in any way instil confidence in his government.  But that is not our focus today.

 

Olisa Metuh. Spitting fire on behalf of the PDP.

Today, our focus is Gen. Azazi’s statement and the furore it has generated.  Some are of the opinion that the NSA should be sacked for calling out his principal in public, while others want his head for indirectly admitting to incompetence.  Some, on the other hand, base their grudge with Gen. Azazi on his message’s subliminal indictment of the North as the main sponsors of the Boko Haram crises.  To this group of people, the General did not act without the knowledge and tacit approval of Mr. Jonathan himself.  Whatever the case, an accusation has been made by a high-ranking government official, and must be investigated thoroughly.

 

Mr. Jonathan must stop playing the ostrich with the political future of this nation.  In the run up to the 2011 elections, aides to leading opposition figures within the PDP like Adamu Ciroma and Atiku Abubakar declared that the North would make Nigerian ungovernable for Mr. Jonathan, should he win the party’s presidential primary election.  Eight months into his administration and several thousand Nigerians dead as a result of internal terrorists’ activities, Mr. Jonathan has done little or nothing to bring the perpetrators of these dastardly acts – and their sponsors – to book.  Similarly, the several threats of secession by Ms Ankio Briggs and Asari Dokubo, two prominent Niger-Deltans with alleged ties to the Presidency ought to be investigated and dealt with severely.

 

The President has a lot of work on his hands when it comes to convincing an already disenchanted populace that he is serious about tackling insecurity in the land.  His PDP’s style of burying issues of national importance after nocturnal meetings and exchange of several Ghana-must-go bags cannot, and must not be applied to this issue.  No amount of political capital to be gained can justify the killing, whether directly or through proxy, of fellow Nigerians.  We already have lost faith in this government’s ability to fight corruption; perhaps it can redeem its image by fighting those who

Mr. Jonathan. Needs to stop playing politics and get down to securing the lives and properties of Nigerians.

would rather that we burn in order for them to sit on the throne.

 

Mr. Jonathan, over to you.

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How old is too young?

16 Mar

Nigeria is a nation under siege.  Whether it is the painful ineptitude of a power-drunk ‘President’, the arrogance of self-centred and corruption-ridden public officials, the wanton destruction of lives and properties by morally-depraved ethnic militias operating under different guises or the lawlessness of our supposed law enforcement agencies, we wake up every day knowing that we are in a state of near-collapse as a political entity.

 

While the above might be the summation of the immediate problems facing Nigeria, I believe we have a bigger monster eating at the very core of our nation, and no, it is not corruption.  In my opinion, the greatest threat we face today is that of an alarming disdain for taking responsibility for our actions and whatever assignments that have either been thrust upon us or we have acquired.  Simply put, whatever happens is not our fault.  Coming hot on the heels of this threat is our totally irresponsible sense of entitlement, believing that everybody owes us something, even when we do not work for it.  That, however, is a topic for another day.

 

At 18 years, you're legally an adult.

Starting from the very top – or perhaps bottom – there are ample examples to prove that we are largely an irresponsible nation.  Every President we’ve ever had has been defended by his apologists as ‘a good man surrounded by bad advisers’, ditto for State Governors and every other political leader.  A man steals from his neighbour and blames the devil.  A poor couple refuses the idea of family planning, yet they attribute the birth of yet another child as the will of God.  Our Governors refuse to use the grey matter between their ears in order to give good governance to their people, so long as they can blame the revenue formula for not allocating more funds to them.  Truly, we are a deeply irresponsible nation.

 

But where exactly does it reside, this culture of irresponsibility?  As the examples above suggest, this scourge is not rampant in the public sector alone.  Indeed, the seed of irresponsibility is more often sown at home, growing into a tree from which our whole nation eats to its fill.  Charity, they say, begins at home.  And our homes, unfortunately, have become the breeding ground for hopeless generations of future leaders.

 

I remember a discussion I had a few days ago where a woman of about 24 years was described as a girl.  I found that deeply disturbing.  That someone who has attained the legally prescribed age for adulthood is still referred to and treated as a child cannot in any way be comforting for a nation desirous of passing on leadership to the next generation.  And we see this every day.  University undergraduates are not allowed to take decisions independent of their parents, employees cannot work late because they have a cut-off time for getting home, and worst of all, a politician cannot attain an office without the blessing and help of a godfather.  Do any of these sound familiar?

 

If the future of this nation is to be entrusted to my generation without any fear of its collapse, then the government must

Mr Jonathan and his administration must man up and take responsibility for the nation they need.

step up in its delivery of its part of the social contract with the people.  How?  The government must build a society which encourages people to exploit their full potentials in order to make a living for themselves.  It must build a society that provides equal opportunities for people, regardless of their social backgrounds.  It must deliver on electoral promises, and social amenities.  In doing so, it will empower people to make decisions for themselves, emboldened by the fact that they, and not anyone else, are the architects of whether or not they succeed.  Starting with government agencies and institutions, anyone aged 18 and above must be made to take responsibility for their decisions and actions, sans official parental input.  Above all, a government by committees is no government at all.  This President must learn to lead by example.  He must learn to take responsibility for his actions, and not waiting for an innumerable number of committees to tell him which way he must go.  Failing to do this, he must resign.

 

On their part, this generation of parents should, and must grow up.  An adult is an adult, and must be treated as such.  It does not help the nation, the family unit, and most especially the individual if (s)he is being put in a bubble of childhood only to be faced with the opportunity of leading this nation in any capacity at all.  What a disaster that will be!

 

As we continue to find the answers to the national problems that have bedevilled us for over half a century, permit me to espouse one possible solution: GROW UP!

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In support of a bloody revolution

20 Feb

In an uncommon show of solidarity, Nigerians stood together against an unpopular Government decision to raise the pump price of fuel.

The year 2012 will probably go down as one of the most – if not the most – interesting in Nigeria’s recent political history.  From the utterly evil New Year’s ‘gift’ by Mr. ‘president’ to the unfathomable attack by the dreaded Boko Haram sect, the year is fast becoming one which will not be forgotten.  And this is just February!

 

In the months to come, this administration is going to test the limit of our endurance even more: new number plates, new driver’s license, new toll gates, new National Identification Cards, increased electricity tariffs and so much more.  And just in case you’re thinking of another protest, Mr. Jonathan has already proven his willingness to deploy soldiers to tackle ordinary Nigerians exercising their rights to free assembly and protest.  Just ask Lagosians.

 

As we trudge on in our collective quest to make sense of our daily adventure that has become life in Nigeria, I cannot

Goodluck Jonathan - Nigeria's new democratic 'dictator'.

help but wonder if, like some have opined, we need a bloody revolution to set things right.  Will it bring some semblance of sanity like it has in neighbouring Ghana?  Is it the panacea to our seemingly incurable national problems?  Who will champion it?  But most importantly, who will be the victim, and who decides this?

 

As the debate rages on about the desirability or not of a bloody revolution – or even a Sovereign National Conference – I thought I’d add my voice and give vent to the thoughts that have been swimming through my mind.  This a poem I finished recently, and I thought to share with you all on this forum.  In support of a bloody revolution, I wrote this poem.

 

 

In support of a bloody revolution

In support of a bloody revolution I wrote this poem

In support of a mind evolution I bring this home

Asking you to unite against corruption

Asking you to stand up for your nation

I seek not to give a good oration

I ask not for standing ovation

My mission is simple

I offer solution

In a bloody revolution

So I wrote this poem

 

I wrote this poem to rouse you from your slumber

I penned these words with the hopes that you remember

That dark are the days from which we emerged

And unsteady is the branch on which we are perched

While the ‘Giant of Africa’ is daily submerged in

A cesspool of ineptitude our leaders are couched in

Citizens run amok; the nation is burning

Confusion is the grease that keeps this wheel turning

What is to be done?

Then the light comes on:

A bloody revolution!

So I wrote this poem

 

Let’s take back this nation from the hands of the marauders

Evil men and women whose stock in trade is unsolved murders

Political racketeers; the liberty hoarders

Who steal our commonwealth and invest it across the boarders

Let’s take all they’ve got and give them none –

A bloody revolution!

So I wrote this poem

 

Let liberty cry out from every street and every tongue

Let the pride in our hearts be the beat to our new song

Of a nation reborn, of a people made one

By a bloody revolution

So I wrote this poem

 

But how will it come, this bloody revolution?

And where will it be born, this sudden evolution?

From the street corners or from the higher institutions?

From the hands of base men or those of higher intuitions?

I seek the solution

To this nagging question

Of a bloody revolution

So I wrote this poem

 

But as I put pen to paper it suddenly dawns upon me

So I ask myself if this revolution needs to be bloody

Because even after civil war, we’ve not been able to MEND a thing

And though the ‘Book-o-Haram’ is explored up North, our leaders prefer to sin

Against the sacred text that is our constitution

So a million ‘former Nigerias’ is not really the solution

Neither can it be found in a bloody revolution

But in a mind evolution

So I wrote this poem!

Sunset in Biafra

28 Nov

Biafran Flag

On the morning of November 26, 2011, Nigerians woke to the news of the demise of Ikemba Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, erstwhile leader of now-defunct Republic of Biafra.  His death was actually not news to many, as a lot of people had come to terms with the fact that the man would come back from his supposed recuperation in a British hospital, a corpse.  Life did not disappoint.  Finally the man has died, and an era comes to a end.

For those who (surprisingly) do not know, the retired General Ojukwu it was who, having witnessed the determination of the then leaders – rulers more like – of the Nigerian State to eliminate its citizens of Igbo extraction, declared the sovereign state of Biafra made up of states in the then Eastern Region of the Nigerian Republic.  Nigeria kicked, and a war ensued.  For three years, 1967-1970, millions of lives were lost in a bloody civil war that was to see secessionist Biafra subdued and brought back to the republic, with its citizens becoming, till date, second class in the country of their birth.

Forty-one years after the civil war, the political ‘marginalisation’ of the Igbos seems to have become an official Nigerian

The 'People's General' inspecting his troops.

internal policy, while the high priests of this shameful act appear to be none other than the so-called political leaders of the South-East themselves.  Prostitutes in the halls of any government in power, these pretenders to the political leadership of the Igbos have become rich by selling the destiny of their people to the highest bidder.  Therefore, while they go about in the daytime spreading the gospel of Igbo political emancipation, at night they march their people to the ‘master’s chambers’, allowing the big man to have his way with them.  It is for this particular reason that Ojukwu will be missed.

Ojukwu was not known to mince words when fighting for the rights of his people.  He was also not known to suffer the

foolishness of is people, especially when it was apparent that they were deliberately putting themselves in a position where they would not be given equal treatment by other Nigerian citizens.  Little wonder then, that he was hardly seen in the petty gatherings of so-called Igbo leaders who were known for hobnobbing with the powers-that-be, to the detriment of their people.  In fact, the story is told of how, having accepted to be an honoured guest at the commissioning of a market built by Igbo traders in Lagos State, pointedly rebuked them for their foolishness in investing in a place where their interests were not sure, rather than investing in the South-East where they would have also contributed to the economic development of the region.  Such was the passion of the man for his people.

As the legend goes home to be with is his ancestors, I have no doubt that the pages of our Newspapers will be full of paid adverts praising the courage and passion of the man who was once a thorn in the side of Nigeria.  However, I will advice that all would-be-advertisers to search themselves before wasting their hard-earned or had-stolen money to eulogise a man whose ideal they worked – and are still working – had to subvert.  Ojukwu’s memory demands more than that.

Ikemba Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Dike di ora nma, Eze ndi Igbo gburugburu. 4th November 1933 - 26th November 2011.

As the sun sets on Biafra, I pray that someday, in the not-so-distant future, it will rise again, bearing on its wings warriors for whom the task of rebuilding a battered nation-state will be second to none.  As the sun sets at dusk today, may it rise with the first cockcrow tomorrow.  As the sun sets on Ojukwu, may it rise on you, oh sons and daughters of the East, Umu Chukwu, Umu Igbo.  Ise!

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Labour activism in Nigeria: NLC’s resistance to ‘anti-labour’ policies, since 1999

7 Oct

In recent times, Nigeria has witnessed a its fair share of drama involving the Federal – and States - Government(s) on one hand, and organised labour unions on the other.  This drama has ranged from the minimum wage incident – first with the Federal Government, then with State Governments – to the question of fuel subsidy removal, and most recently, the alleged sack of casual workers by Airtel.  As part of my contribution to the raging discourse centred around the attitude of  employers towards the labour force, I will, over the next couple of weeks, upload my university essay on “Labour activism in Nigeria: NLC’s resistance to ‘anti-labour’ policies, since 1999” (written in 2004!).  It is my wish that in uploading this, somehow, we will be able to get a better perspective on the issue, and perhaps – just perhaps – be

empowered to judge situations and news even more objectively.

This week, I bring you the first chapter.  I hope it adds to your knowledge, and contributes to our armoury as we continue to fight for the Nigeria of our dreams.  As the Student Unionist will say, ALUTA CONTINUA, VICTORIA ACERTA!

A typical strike scenario...coming to a street near you?

CHAPTER ONE.

 

 

INTRODUCTION.

 

 

The journey of a thousand leagues begins with a single step.

– Lao Tzu

 

 

 

Definition of topic:

 

The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) is the umbrella body of all trade unions inNigeria.  Made up of 29 unions, it represents all shades of workers in the country.  One can say, in fact, that the NLC is the “mother” of the Nigerian labourer, protector of his rights and privileges.  Its vehemence   in the struggle to wipe out policies that endanger the welfare of its “children” has given it the status of an opposition party in the often over-heated polity of the Nigerian state.Yet it is unrelenting.The topic of this essay is “Labour activism in Nigeria: NLC’s resistance to ‘anti-labour’ policies, since 1999”.  When one looks at the topic, the message is almost instantly – if not instantly – grasped.  A mother’s battle to safeguard her fragilebabies from he threats that surround them.  Put simply, this essay seeks to highlight the different contentious issues between the NLC and the employers of labour inNigeria.  Highlighting theses issues is not enough, though it is necessary.  The reactions of the NLC to the anti-labour policies employed by labour employers will also be put in the limelight, their successes and failures included.


Scope of the essay:

This essay will focus on the past five years of the fourth republic in the political history ofNigeria.  This time-frame is so because this has been the period when democracy as we know it has been practiced inNigeria.    More than before, the

individual can express himself, assured of the covering which the constitution provides him.  The NLC – and any other organization for that matter – is not hampered by the fear of military dictatorship or tyranny, and as such, can be as aggressive as the constitution allows.  This allows for stable and level plain for the scrutiny of all parties involved.  This ultimately leads to an objective study.

Significance of the essay:

 

Airtel...taking Nigerian workers for granted?

Since 1999, the NLC, using the platform of the new democratic stage, has increased its fight against what it has termed

“anti-labour” policies.  Because the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, allows for the freedom of expression, speech and unionization among others, the NLC has been able to effectively mount a resistance to policies which it finds appalling.

Today, the Nigerian worker, who the NLC claims is the provider of labour, sees himself in a situation where he is like a commodity, disposable at will.  The failure of the government to be an unbiased umpire on the economic field has aided the employers of labour to administer more lethally, their policies which worsen the already deplorable state of the worker.  So the NLC claims.  Policies such as casualisation of workers, out-sourcing of workers, and non-unionization of workers are of major concern not only to the NLC, but to the employees themselves.  The above-mentioned ills will be

highlighted in subsequent chapters of this essay, with the reactions of the NLC to the continued implementation of them by the employers of labour.

The past five years have been described as a “democratic experiment” inNigeria.  As earlier mentioned, these years
provide for an objective study of the situation at hand.  This essay hopes to maximally exploit the opportunity which this period provides.  This essay is therefore significant in the sense that it believes that because of the practice of democracy, both the NLC and employers of labour will be free to give any and every useful information which will eventually bring out the whole truth for the appreciation of all.  The media as well, should be able to disseminate information without fear of intimidation.

Another significance of this essay is the important role which the information it relays will play in the continued effort at the building the Nigerian state.


At the end of the essay, it is hoped that another stone has been laid on the foundation of the nation.Methodology:This essay shall be divided into four chapters, each handling separate topics.The First Chapter introduces the NLC.  A brief outline of its history is given, followed by a list of its affiliate unions.

In Chapter Two, the essay will focus on the policy of casualisation, discussing the way it is operated.  The First Bank of

Nigeria (FBN)’s infamous policy on couples will also be treated.

Chapter Three will focus on other contentious issues between the NLC and employers of labour.  Specifically, the focus

will be on non-unionization and out-sourcing of workers.

Finally, in Chapter Four, there will be a brief summary of the three previous chapters.  A few personal opinions will be included here as well.

Sources:

 

It is never easy exploring new grounds and writing on a “virgin” topic.  There are no secondary sources of information to

Emeka Wogu - Federal Minister of Labour...is the Federal Government the biggest culprit of them all?

consult, and when there are, they are very few, if not scarce.  This is the dilemma I face.  Primary source are, however, available.  They include M. A Tokunboh’s Labour Movement in Nigeria: past and present, Funmi Adewunmi’s edited work, Trade Unionism in Nigeria: Challenges for the 20th century.   It was however not easy to get at these sources.  It required much traveling to distant places.  This cost a lot in time and money.  Yet, it was worth it.

Read the whole project here: http://www.scribd.com/doc/69618762/Labour-activism-in-Nigeria-NLC%E2%80%99s-resistance-to-%E2%80%98anti-labour%E2%80%99-policies-since-1999 

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419 reasons to like Nigeria

30 Sep

In honour of Nigeria’s 51st anniversary, 419 reasons to like Nigeria…

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